PengertianSumpah Pemuda. Hari Sumpah Pemuda adalah satu tonggak utama dalam sejarah pergerakan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Ikrar ini dianggap sebagai kristalisasi semangat untuk menegaskan cita-cita berdirinya negara Indonesia. Yang dimaksud dengan "Sumpah Pemuda" adalah keputusan Kongres Pemuda Kedua yang diselenggarakan dua hari, 27-28 Oktober 1928 di Batavia (kini bernama Jakarta). Keputusan ini menegaskan cita-cita akan "tanah air Indonesia", "bangsa Indonesia", dan "bahasa

Yogyakarta 28/10 – The Youth Pledge is a movement for the independence of the Republic of Indonesia carried out by Indonesian youth by declaring the promise of one homeland, one nation, and one language. The implementation of the values ​​of the Youth Pledge that must be practiced in daily life itself includes the values ​​of cooperation, patriotism, deliberation, love for the homeland, kinship, unity, kinship, love of peace, and responsibility. The idea of ​​holding the Second Youth Congress came from the Indonesian Student Association PPPI, a youth organization consisting of students from all over Indonesia. At PPPI’s initiative, the congress was held in three different buildings and divided into three meetings. This resulted in the Youth Pledge. FIRST MEETING, KATHOLIEKE JONGENLINGEN BOND BUILDING The first meeting, Saturday, October 27, 1928, at the Katholieke Jongenlingen Bond KJB Building, Lapangan Banteng. In his remarks, Soegondo hoped that this congress could strengthen the spirit of unity in the hearts of the youth. The event continued with Moehammad Jamin’s description of the meaning and relationship of unity with youth. According to him, five factors can strengthen the unity of Indonesia, namely history, language, customary law, education, and will. SECOND MEETING, OOST-JAVA BIOSCOOP BUILDING The second meeting, Sunday, October 28, 1928, at the Oost-Java Bioscoop Building, discussed educational issues. The two speakers, Poernomowoelan and Sarmidi Mangoensarkoro, agreed that children should receive national education, there must also be a balance between education at school and home. Children also need to be educated in a democratic. THIRD MEETING, INDONESICHE CLUBHUIS KRAMAT BUILDING In the next session, Soenario explained the importance of nationalism and democracy in addition to the scouting movement. Meanwhile, Ramelan stated that the scouting movement cannot be separated from the national movement. The scouting movement from an early age educates children to be disciplined and independent, things that are needed in the struggle. Before the congress closed, the song “Indonesia” by Wage Rudolf Supratman was played. The song was greeted with great fanfare by the congress participants. Congress closed by announcing the formulation of the results of the congress. By the youths present, the formula was pronounced as the Oath of Allegiance, which reads PERTAMA. KAMI POETERA DAN POETERI INDONESIA, MENGAKOE BERTOEMPAH DARAH JANG SATOE, TANAH INDONESIA. KEDOEA. KAMI POETERA DAN POETERI INDONESIA, MENGAKOE BERBANGSA JANG SATOE, BANGSA INDONESIA. KETIGA. KAMI POETERA DAN POETERI INDONESIA, MENDJOENDJOENG BAHASA PERSATOEAN, BAHASA INDONESIA. ARP Source

Jakarta, - Sudah sejak lama peran pemuda terhadap perubahan diperhitungkan. Di Indonesia, bahkan hari Sumpah Pemuda selalu diperingati setiap tahunnya, agar selalu terawat dalam ingatan kita bahwa ada sekelompok pemuda yang pernah berjuang untuk kemerdekaan Indonesia. Sejarah sumpah pemudaSejarah Sumpah Pemuda yang diperingati sejak tanggal 28 Oktober 1928 melibatkan sejumlah tokoh ternama, seperti Sugondo Djojopuspito, RM Joko Marsaid, Muhammad Yamin, Amir Sjarifudin, Johan Mohammad Cai, dan R Katjasoengkana. Gagasan untuk menyelenggarakan Kongres Pemuda II berasal dari Perhimpunan Pelajar Indonesia PPPI, yakni sebuah organisasi pemuda yang memiliki anggota dari kalangan pelajar dan berasal dari seluruh Indonesia. Sebelumnya, telah dilakukan pula Kongres Pertama yang dihadiri oleh perwakilan organisasi pemuda di setiap daerah, yang memiliki tujuan untuk mengedepankan paham persatuan dan kebangsaan juga mempererat hubungan antarperkumpulan kebangsaan. Tetapi, hasil dari Kongres Pertama dinilai belum mencapai tujuan, sehingga Kongres Pemuda II yang dihadiri oleh berbagai elemen organisasi pemuda, seperti Jong Java, Jong Islamieten Bond, Jong Bataks, Jong Celebes, Pemuda Betawi, dan lain-lain, dilakukan. Dilansir dari laman resmi Museum Sumpah Pemuda, Sumpah Pemuda berhasil diciptakan setelah dilakukan tiga kali kongres di tiga gedung berbeda, yang merupakan inisiatif dari PPPI. Rapat pertamaRapat pertama berlangsung pada Sabtu, 27 Oktober 1928, yang berlokasi di Gedung Katholieke Jongenlingen Bond, Lapangan Banteng. Sugondo memberikan sambutan dan harapan agar kongres ini bisa memperkuat semangat persatuan dalam sanubari para pemuda. Usai sambutan, acara dilanjutkan dengan paparan dari Muhammad Yamin mengenai arti dan hubungan persatuan dengan pemuda. Menurut Muhammad Yamin, ada lima faktor yang bisa memperkuat persatuan Indonesia, yakni sejarah, bahasa, hukum adat, pendidikan, dan kemauan. Rapat keduaRapat kedua dilakukan pada Minggu, 28 Oktober 1928, yang berlokasi di Gedung Oost-Java Bioscoop. Dalam rapat kedua ini, para pemuda membahas masalah pendidikan. Kedua pembicara, baik Poernomowoelan dan Sarmidi Mangoensarkoro memiliki kesamaan pendapat, bahwa anak harus mendapat pendidikan kebangsaan. Tak hanya itu, anak juga harus memiliki keseimbangan antara pendidikan di sekolah dan di rumah. Anak pun harus dididik secara demokratis. Rapat ketigaPada sesi selanjutnya, Soenario menjelaskan pentingnya nasionalisme dan demokrasi selain gerakan kepanduan. Sedangkan Ramelan mengemukakan, gerakan kepanduan tidak bisa dipisahkan dari pergerakan nasional. Gerakan kepanduan sejak dini bertujuan mendidik anak-anak untuk disiplin dan mandiri, yakni hal-hal yang dibutuhkan dalam perjuangan. Sebelum kongres pemuda II ditutup, diperdengarkan lagu "Indonesia Raya", yang mulanya berjudul "Indonesia", karya Wage Rudolf Supratman. Lagu tersebut disambut dengan sangat meriah oleh para peserta kongres. Kongres ditutup dengan mengumumkan rumusan hasil kongres. Isi Sumpah PemudaRumusan ini berisi Sumpah Setia yang lebih dikenal dengan Sumpah Pemuda yang berbunyi PertamaKami putera dan puteri Indonesia, mengaku bertumpah darah yang satu, tanah Indonesia. KeduaKami putera dan puteri Indonesia, mengaku berbangsa yang satu, bangsa Indonesia. KetigaKami putera dan puteri Indonesia, menjunjung bahasa persatuan, bahasa Indonesia. Sumber Saksikan live streaming program-program BTV di sini

To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the author.... As mentioned in "Introduction," to unify regions and facilitate development, Indonesian leaders establish policies, including a national official language policy. Here, Foulcher 2000 described how the first two presidents established the language policy. To unify the country, especially against separatism, Ir. ...... uphold the language of unity, the Indonesian language, was revised to ". . . we have one language, the Indonesian language" Foulcher, 2000. It is true that the revision affected only few words; however, the implication was profound, as the multilingual spirit of the original pledge was arguably replaced by the monolingual spirit of the revised pledge. ...Bambang SuwarnoRegional indigenous heritage languages RIHLs are in decline in Indonesia, and this problem needs attention from language policy and planning. This study explores a subset of the Indonesian language policy, namely, its acquisition planning. Content analysis and doctrinal method were employed. The sample included national legislations and some regional legislations. The results are as follows. As subjects taught in schools, Indonesian is “compulsory” at all levels; RIHLs are “optional” at primary and secondary levels and “absent” at the tertiary level; English is “compulsory” at the secondary level and “optional” at the tertiary level. As the media of instruction, Indonesian is “compulsory” at all levels; RIHLs are “optional” in very limited cases; English is “optional” at the tertiary level. As languages for mass media, Indonesian is “compulsory”; English is “optional” for specific aims or audience; RIHLs are “optional” for local communities. There are possible “incoherences” among various legislations, that is, the Constitution, some national laws and regulations, and some regional bylaws. To implement constitutional mandate, the acquisition planning may need revision. In the revision, RIHLs may need to be included as mandatory subjects, while some RIHLs may need to be used as the media of instruction and in mass media. Further studies for the revision are recommended.... At one such meeting, the 1928 Youth Congress, participants proposed that Indonesian should be the language of Indonesia and proposed it as the language of both a growing anti-colonial movement and of an independent Indonesian state Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Anwar, 1980;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Foulcher, 2000. Just as importantly, this pledge contrasted with an implied set of regional languages and their associated ethnic social types. ...... Just as importantly, this pledge contrasted with an implied set of regional languages and their associated ethnic social types. At subsequent meetings involving some of those present at the 1928 congress, a variety of Malay was increasingly seen as being the appropriate means of public address Foulcher, 2000. In 1938 the Greater Indonesia Party PARINDRA instructed its members to use only Indonesian when making public statements Mrázek, 2002 33. ...... At one such meeting, the 1928 Youth Congress, participants proposed that Indonesian should be the language of Indonesia and proposed it as the language of a growing anticolonial movement and of an independent Indonesian state Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Anwar, 1980;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Foulcher, 2000. Just as importantly, this pledge contrasted with an implied set of regional languages and their associated ethnic social types. ...... At subsequent congresses and meetings involving some of the participants of the 1928 congress a variety of Malay was increasingly seen as the appropriate means of public address Foulcher, 2000. In 1938 the Greater Indonesia Party PARINDRA instructed its members to use only Indonesian when making public statements Mrázek, 2002, p. 33. ...... States continue to play a strong role in creating nationalized backdrops for the language ecologies that have come to exist within their borders. Indonesia's nationalization and modernization over primarily this last century Cole, 2010;Keane, 2003;Smith-Hefner, 2009, the state's "creation" of bahasa Indonesia Foulcher, 2000;Heryanto, 2006, and here I argue the simultaneous creation and erasure Gal & Irvine, 1995 of local Javanese language forms as well, together set the scene for this analysis of language-and nation-hood in Indonesia in its 65 th year of official existence. In this chapter I explore ways in which Indonesian national language policies both rhetorical and implemented have created languages and created contexts delimiting the spaces in which languages may be used inside national confines. ...... This slogan has been stated frequently, with slight variations in wording and intention, over the past 80 years. I borrow the below quote from Foulcher's 2000 description of an address then-president Suharto gave in 1978 at the 50 th annual commemoration of the Sumpah Pemuda Shrieke, 1929, as cited by Van der Wal, 1963, as cited by Moeliono, 1986, p. 26 The national unifying language would thereby help citizens to bypass any potential miscommunications that presumably would occur without it, and it would help them to do so while simultaneously expelling their colonizers' Dutch language from Indonesian territory. However, Moeliono's own discussions of diglossia in Indonesia concern only the different forms of Indonesian. ...... It must also be believed by all components of the nation that the development of culture and national character is very important. President Sukarno as the first president of the Republic of Indonesia once advised us, that the hard task of filling independence is to build the nation's character Foulcher, 2000. If the development of this nation's character is not successful, the Indonesian nation will become a coolie nation. ...MarsiniThis study aims to analyze the role of social science in character education based on the Pancasila Student Profile Profil Pelajar Pancasila. In accordance with the demands of the times and developments in people's lives including changes in the education curriculum, social studies learning must be returned in accordance with its latest conceptual framework which emphasizes interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary, with contextual and transformative, active and participatory learning in the perspective of social values. using descriptive qualitative research methods with data collection carried out by literature study, observation, document analysis, and interviews. The results of the study show that in the social studies learning process, efforts should be made to include Pancasila values which are also currently in the context of the Merdeka curriculum already summarized in the Pancasila Student Profile which consists of dimensions of faith and piety to God Almighty and noble character, Global diversity, mutual cooperation, independent, creative, and able to reason critically. This is useful for the formation of student personality as a provision for living in society both as citizens and global citizens.... Bahasa Indonesia Indonesian plays an outsize role in the history and politics of Indonesia, starting with the 1928 Youth Pledge declaring Indonesian as the one Indonesian language Foulcher 2000, through the Independence movement, the promotion and development of Indonesian as the dominant language of education, politics, and media during the Sukarno era 1949195019511952195319541955195619571958195919601961196219631964196519661967, and its further institutionalization in Suharto's New Order 1967-1998. Indonesian plays an integral role in a dominant ideology of Indonesia's unity and distinctiveness; Liu 2014 133 goes so far as to argue that the Indonesian language is the primary facilitator of a panethnic Indonesian state and sense of collective community. ...As part of a large survey project designed to examine language shift in Indonesia, we examine speakers’ categorization and labeling of the language varieties in their repertoire with respect to language ideologies and the language ecology of Indonesia. This paper is both a methodological paper – arguing for the usefulness of surveys in the investigation of language shift scenarios – as well as an initial report of findings from those surveys, focusing on how speakers in different parts of Indonesia name language varieties. We demonstrate the benefits of a survey with open-ended questions about linguistic repertoire in investigating the use of particular language labels as markers of local and national identity and discuss these in terms of differences in local language ecologies on the islands of Bali, Java, and Sumatra. In addition, we report on how language labels are used in different communities in Indonesia in the context of different local ecologies, and against a backdrop of widespread reported language shift from the local languages of the Indonesian archipelago to the national language Indonesian Bahasa Indonesia , following decades of successful language planning efforts promoting Indonesian as a unifying language in a linguistically diverse nation.... The Constitution of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia 1945 Article 36 [1] and the Law of the Republic of Indonesia number 24 of 2009 [2] states that Indonesian is declared the official language of the state in Indonesia. The contents of the Youth Pledge Sumpah Pemuda stipulate that Indonesian is the unifying language of the Indonesian nation [3]. ...Typographical errors are common in written languages, including Indonesian. It will, however, lead to a misunderstanding of the meaning of the words. Nevertheless, an Indonesian spell checker is still uncommon. Furthermore, no extensive literature review of spell checkers for the Indonesian language has been conducted. This study aimed to present extensive literature on spelling correction in the Indonesian language. The methods used were discovering any literature related to the study topic for the period 2017-2022, applying some keywords, and enforcing inclusion and exclusion criteria. According to the findings of this study, in the previous five years, research on spell checkers has increased, and many researchers from various provinces in Indonesia have used different methods or algorithms to evaluate word errors.... Karena pada saat itu, organisasi yang eksis dalam menaungi pemuda-pemuda khususnya di Jawa adalah Jong Java Sutjiatiningsih, 1999. Dalam artikel yang ditulis oleh Keith Foulcher 2000 dengan judul "Sumpah Pemuda the making and meaning of a symbol of Indonesian nationhood" yang terdapat di dalam Jurnal Asian Studies Review disebutkan bahwa Perkumpulan Sekar Rukun dengan pelbagai organisasi pemuda bersama-sama memprakarsai lahirnya Kongres Pemuda I dan II yang pada akhirnya melahirkan peristiwa yang dikenal Sumpah Pemuda. Dalam catatan jurnal disebutkan bahwa artikel tersebut dirujuk sebanyak 115 kali. ...Mohammad Refi Omar Ar RazyThis study aims to analyze the kirprah of the Sekar Rukun Association during the National Movement 1919-1931 which includes the formation, form of struggle, and the process of merging with the Young Indonesia organization. The research method used is the historical method which consists of heuristic, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography stages. Through this research, it can be seen that, first, the Sekar Rukun Association was formed by Sundanese figures who attended school in Batavia, such as Doni Ismail, Iki Adiwidjaja, Djuwariah, Hilman, Moh. Sapii, Mangkudiguna, Soetisna Sendjaja and Iwa Kusumasumantri before finally Dr. Husein Djajadiningrat was involved in the Sekar Rukun Association. Second, the form of struggle for the Sekar Rukun Association is by working with youth organizations similar to that during the National Movement such as Jong Java, Jong Ambon, Jong Sumatranen Bond, Jong Islamieten Bond, Jong Celebes, Jong Bataks and so on. One form of the struggle of the Sekar Rukun Association together with other youth organizations was to hold Youth Congresses I and II in 1926 and 1928. The 2nd Youth Congress in 1928 was known as the Youth Pledge event. Third, as a form of unity and integrity, the Sekar Rukun Association merged with the other youth organizations mentioned above to form an organization called Young Indonesia in 1931.... Youth in Indonesia has historically been defined through the term pemuda or "nationalistic youth" Kiem 1993165 which developed during the Indonesian revolution for independence and further solidified by the Indonesian developmental state Foulcher 2000. With the fall of the centralized developmental state after the events of the Reformasi in 1998, nationalistic youth has dispersed into various competing political ideologies and issue based movements Nilan 2004 and now tends to be comprised of older youth and young adults, mainly university students. ... Kristian TamtomoPart of a larger dissertation research, the paper will investigate preliminary data on the code-switching and language mixing use of Javanese a local language, Bahasa Indonesia or BI the national language and English by youth, both in conversations as well as in writing, in the city of Semarang in Central Java, Indonesia, a multilingual developing country of the global South. The preliminary findings indicate that youth in Semarang use Javanese, BI and English under a norm of polylingualism, with Javanese and BI being the predominant bilingual medium in spoken conversation. Gaul Indonesian, a sub-dialect of BI, acts as an intermediate scale between local and global scales of language. While BI is predominantly used in writing, the use of Javanese re-emerges in the least regulated and most informal domains of writing. The youth in this study use English more in writing than in spoken conversation, using it as a means of expressing a voice that is locally different and resonates with global popular culture but for the purpose of expressing very local and personal expressions.... Maihahalintulad ang mga nabanggit sa itaas sa naganap na mga metamorposis ng makasaysayang "Sumpah Pemuda" sa Indonesia Foulcher 2000. Ang orihinal nitong bersyon ay "Kami poetera dan poeteri Indonesia mendjoendjoeng bahasa persatoean, bahasa Indonesia" 1928 na maisasalin bilang "Kaming mga kabataan ng Indonesia ay sumusuporta sa wika ng pagkakaisa, ang bahasa Indonesia." ... Ramon GuillermoLayunin ng kasalukuyang papel na magbigay ng pahapyaw na pagbaybay sa paglitaw, paglaganap at pagpapakahulugan sa idioma ng “sariling wika” sa wikang Tagalog / Pilipino / Filipino. Sisikapin ding maunawaan ang implikasyon nito sa pag-unlad at pagpapalaganap ng pambansang wika sa Pilipinas. Tumatampok sa diskusyon ang tulang sinasabing isinulat ni Jose Rizal na "Sa Aking mga Kabata."... On the other hand, at the end of mid-1928, the Indonesian government through the youth pledge began to set Indonesian as the National Language. From the youth pledge, three important promises regarding the national identity were born; 1 Acknowledging one motherland, Indonesia; 2 Acknowledging one nation, the nation of Indonesia; 3 Upholding the language of unity, Indonesian Foulcher, 2000. Therefore, Indonesian can be categorized as an inherent national identifier of Indonesian people Aziz, 2014. ...State borders are the areas that are vulnerable to the degradation of national identity. The purpose of this study was to investigate the attitudes and the behavior of language use among the multi‐ethnic Indonesian of predominantly Dayak, Malay, and Chinese who resided on the Indonesia–Malaysia border. The present research applied a qualitative ethnographic approach to document and to describe how a group of multi‐ethnic communities participated in building their awareness, attitudes and practices of language as a national identity. The data were taken from 20 informants. They were teachers, students, local people, entrepreneurs, and state civil apparatus. The research found out that the ethnic groups on the border were highly aware of using Indonesian language as evidenced through a form of community involvement, volunteerism and social attitudes in civilizing Indonesian as the dominant language at the border. Their awareness was shown through their involvement, volunteerism, and social attitudes in developing Indonesian language as the dominant language in the border. It is argued that the involvement of all ethnic groups on the border affects positively on strengthening their attitudes and awareness in using Indonesian language.... The selected youth were Adamas Belva Syah Devara Belva, "Indonesia" supposedly started with Sumpah Pemuda or the Youth Pledge in October 1928. The pledge marked Indonesian youth "historical destiny" to uphold the nation bangsa, homeland tanah air, and Indonesian language Bahasa Indonesia Foulcher 2000. The construction of the nation and its unity, in other words, was and has to continue to be the responsibility of its youth. ... Annisa R. BetaThis essay discusses the discursive shift in the idealized youth citizenship in Indonesia and recent instances that demonstrate the state's ambivalent treatments of its youth as exemplified with the millennial aides and the government's lack of support to its young labour force during the time of the COVID-19 pandemic. I propose that the pandemic has further established uncertainty and insecurity as the "normal" in young people's lives. This essay looks into the "politics of survival" imposed on Indonesian youth and discusses the multiple, ongoing, and developing crises that reveal the imaginations of the state and its governance of the ideal youth citizen.... One of the critical junctures in the imagination of Indonesia was the October 28, 1928 Pemuda Indonesia Young Indonesia conference at which young leaders from diverse regional and ethnic backgrounds swore an oath to support the concepts of one people, one country and one language. Foulcher, 2000 The question that was unanswered is ... Mark WoodwardRelationships between Islam and local cultures, post-coloniality, the construction of National Islams and nationalisms are extraordinarily complex. They pose complex academic, theological and political problems. This paper considers examples from the province of West Java in post-colonial Indonesia. It will be concerned with the ways in which elements of local West Javanese/Sundanese culture are rejected by Islamist nationalists but at the same time incorporated into a regional variant of the culture friendly Islam Nusantara formulated by Nahdlatul Ulama NU in 2015. See Chamami 2015 and Woodward 2018. It also suggests that what Philosopher of Science Karl Popper termed the “situational logic” of Islam Nusantara is based on principles that have driven the construction of what Historian Marshal Hodgson 1974 termed Islamicate Civilizations since they emerged in the sixth century. Thorough consideration of these questions requires an overarching analytic and theoretical framework. Without one, we can produce disconnected, fragmentary analyses with limited practical applications. This paper is an attempt to establish such a framework. Building on Berger’s constructivist approach to the Sociology of Religion, it draws on seemingly divergent themes in the academic discourse about religion/society/state relationships in hope that the resulting synthesis will be of greater analytic utility and practical applicability than the sum of its parts. Empirically it focuses on West Java, Sundanese culture and emergence of alternative National Islams in contemporary Indonesia. It also makes comparative references to neighbouring countries, especially Malaysia. Theoretically, it is transdisciplinary, combining approaches from Cultural Anthropology, History, Political Science and Religious Studies. Given the current state of intra-Islamic political and religious discourse, it also necessarily focuses on debates between Sufi oriented “traditionalists” and Salafi oriented “modernists” that have been a major feature of colonial and post-colonial Muslim discourse for more than a century. It argues that alternative National Islams are shaped by a combination of theological debates and religion/state/society dynamics.... This is related to the Indonesian historical background. Indonesia, as a nation, came into being in 1928 when youth organisations from various cultural and ethnic milieux in the archipelago gathered in the spirit of nationalism and to build a unitary national vision as a political struggle against Dutch colonialism Foulcher, 2000. On 28 October 1928, young people from Java, Celebes, Sumatra, Minahasa, Batak and Ambon declared that they were one nation with one homeland and one language, the Indonesian language Bahasa Indonesia. ... Hani YulindrasariHeny DjoehaeniSince 2012, Indonesia has been obsessed with the notion of melestarikan budaya lokal preserving local culture as part of Indonesian Cultures. In West Java, Indonesia, the cultural revitalisation program is called “ Rebo Nyunda”. Rebo means Wednesday; nyunda means being Sundanese. Sunda is the dominant ethnic group in West Java and the second largest ethnic group in Indonesia. Childhood often becomes a site for implanting ideologies, including nationalist ideology through the rhetoric of anti-West . Rebo Nyunda is expected to be able to shape future generations with strong cultural roots and unshaken by negative foreign ideas. Using focus group discussions this paper investigates the extent to which teachers understand Rebo Nyunda as a mean of cultural resistance to foreign forces amid the wholesale adoption of early childhood education doctrines from the West, such as the internationalisation of early childhood education, developmentally appropriate practices, neuroscience for young children, child-centred discourse, economic investment and the commercialisation of childhood education. This paper examines the complexity of and contradictions in teachers’ perceptions of Rebo Nyunda in Bandung, a city considered a melting pot of various ethnic groups in Indonesia.... Consequently, these institutions still constitute sites that form and foster youth groups, activities and identities, especially those oriented towards the nationalist formulation of youths or pemuda. As others have noted, the notion of youths as the activist, revolutionary, and nationalist pemuda dates from the period of "national awakening" and pre-independence revolution, in which a class of educated young adults emerged as an organizational force in forming the idea of Indonesia as a nation Foulcher 2000;Parker and Nilan 2013. While there have been various expressions of this pemuda identity in subsequent generations, 1 it is important to note that the New Order administration made visible efforts to control the formulation and expression of this identity. ... Kristian TamtomoContemporary mainstream discourse on youths in Indonesia tends to define it in terms of the popular-culture-oriented notion of youth. This article seeks to show that certain state-formed youth groups, particularly in institutional settings, continue to promote the state-oriented pemuda or nationalist youth identity. By looking at an example of a Paskibra group Pasukan Pengibar Bendera – the Flag-Raising Troop from a state vocational high school in Semarang, Central Java, the article seeks to highlight the way in which these youths combine language and symbolic behaviours to present this nationalist identity. Concurrently, these youths also appropriate elements of popular culture in order to present a compartmentalized or separate remaja identity that complements their core nationalist identity. While not prominently visible in Indonesian popular culture, nationalist forms of youth identity, such as the Paskibra, continue to have currency in various state and institutional sectors.... Categories such as Malay language and ethnic languages increasingly became part of public meta-pragmatic discourses through such activities as the 1928 Youth Congress, which proposed using Malay -renamed as bahasa Indonesia Indonesian -as the language of a growing anti-colonial movement and of a potential Indonesian state, rather than Javanese or other ethnic languages Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Anwar, 1980;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Foulcher, 2000. Some of the reasons given for such a choice were based upon arguments about the relatedness of Malay to place-based ethno-linguistic groupings, such as Balinese, Javanese, Sundanese, Buginese, Minahasan, Acehnese, Minangkabau ... Zane Goebel“Goebel's book is a carefully crafted examination of how talk mediates social relations in the context of ethnic diversity…. A strength of Goebel's approach is his effort to take into account historical perspectives captured in language ideologies….For those interested in considering broader sociological patterns Goebel's meticulous data are a rich and exciting resource…. Goebel notes in the book's preface that his work is not an easy read …. For those interested in tracing the role of language in on–the–ground processes of ethnic identification in a situation of diversity, however, the book is well worth the effort.” Nancy Smith-Hefner, Boston University. Anthropological Linguistics, 54/1 97-100 This book is of interest to anyone concerned with identity formation, space, and the nation, and sets an important methodological example for how to study the role of language practices in demarcating space.” Sheri Gibbings, WilfrId Laurier University. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 167/4 561-598 "Goebel presents a richly detailed description of language variation in two wards of Semarang…This multidisciplinary work has implications for many fields.” Ellen Rafferty, University of Wisconsin-Madison. Asian Studies Review, 35/3 419-420 “Goebel has written a very stimulating book that significantly enriches our knowledge of the relationships between national and regional languages in Java.” Edwin Wieringa, University of Cologne. Anthropos, 107/1 257 “The book’s strength is its careful identification of moments of talk during which interlocutors co-create and delimit the linguistic and cultural practices that form a positive neighborhood identity and often simultaneously work to exclude neighbors.” Christina Casey, Old Dominion University. Anthropology and Humanism, 38/2 209-211... For example, part of the process of building the nation we now know as Indonesia was the development, standardisation, and prescription of Indonesian as the language of education, government, service encounters above the market level, the media, and just as importantly as the language of communication among the 400 or so ethnic groups of Indonesia who did not share the same first language Abas, 1987;Dardjowidjojo, 1998 36;Errington, 1998a;Foulcher, 2000;Lowenberg, 1992;Moeliono, 1986 30;Nababan, 1991 119. Recent sociolinguistic research on language choice in Indonesia, however, has shown that these prescriptions for language are not reflected in what actually happens in such interactions, for reasons that will be discussed in the following sections. ... Zane GoebelIt is now widely recognised that learning a language for everyday use needs to include the learning of socially appropriate uses of the language, but Indonesian programmes have been slow to take up this issue. Drawing on recent sociolinguistic research, this paper points out that some patterns of socially appropriate language use in Indonesia actually involve Indonesian only to the extent that those interacting wish to maintain social distance, while regional languages are used to promote closer social ties. Indonesian programmes thus require some rethinking in view of the complex multilingual nature of Indonesia. In particular, the inclusion of awareness-raising activities about the social significance of language choice in Indonesia coupled with training in ethnographic techniques is a possible way forward for such programmes.... For example, part of the process of building the nation we now know as Indonesia was the development, standardisation, and prescription of Indonesian as the language of education, government, service encounters above the market level, the media, and just as importantly as the language of communication among the 400 or so ethnic groups of Indonesia who did not share the same first language Abas, 1987;Dardjowidjojo, 1998 36;Errington, 1998a;Foulcher, 2000;Lowenberg, 1992;Moeliono, 1986 30;Nababan, 1991 119. Recent sociolinguistic research on language choice in Indonesia, however, has shown that these prescriptions for language are not reflected in what actually happens in such interactions, for reasons that will be discussed in the following sections. ... Zane GoebelIt is now widely recognised that learning a language for everyday use needs to include the learning of socially appropriate uses of the language, but Indonesian programmes have been slow to take up this issue. Drawing on recent sociolinguistic research, this paper points out that some patterns of socially appropriate language use in Indonesia actually involve Indonesian only to the extent that those interacting wish to maintain social distance, while regional languages are used to promote closer social ties. Indonesian programmes thus require some rethinking in view of the complex multilingual nature of Indonesia. In particular, the inclusion of awareness-raising activities about the social significance of language choice in Indonesia coupled with training in ethnographic techniques is a possible way forward for such programmes.... Categories such as Malay language and ethnic languages increasingly became part of public meta-discourses through such activities as the 1928 Youth Congress, which proposed using Malay-renamed as bahasa Indonesia Indonesian-as the language of a growing anti-colonial movement and of a potential Indonesian state, rather than Javanese or other ethnic languages Abas 1987;Alisjahbana 1976;Anwar 1980;Dardjowidjojo 1998;Foulcher 2000. Some of the reasons given for such a choice were based upon arguments about the relatedness of Malay to place-based ethnic groupings, such as Balinese, Javanese, Sundanese, Buginese, Minahasan, Acehnese, Minangkabau Poedjosoedarmo 1982. ... Zane GoebelThis article focuses on one aspect of processes of enregisterment in Indonesia, namely the ways in which institutional representations of language use formulate semiotic registers linking language use to performable social categories of personhood and relationship. I examine three types of institutional and thus authorized speech events schooling, census practices, and television. Of particular interest are three patterns of representation which I exemplify with excerpts from three television series. The first is the language-ethnicity link long established in colonial practices and found in all three institutional representations of language use. The second pattern relates primarily to some of the new inflections created as part of the first pattern, namely the representation of Indonesian as an index of the ethnic other. The third pattern of representation resembles a type of competing ideology where language-ethnicity links are denaturalized through practices of adequation.[adequation, denaturalization, enregisterment, identity, Indonesia, media]Michael HadzantonisIndonesian nationalism has significantly influenced its local languages. The national slogan Unity in Diversity has been appropriated throughout Indonesia, particularly in the Javanese province. Javanese language trends have thus become a model for a larger Indonesia, where Javanese people have negotiated their ethnic symbolisms to benefit local and national intentions. However, tensions have formed in Java between heritage, nationalism and neoliberal requirements, rendering Javanese language revitalization conflictual. This paper draws on an ethnography of Javanese urban centres, to describe patterns of language revitalization. Through a symbolic interactionist approach, the paper analyzes Javanese language ideologies and symbolisms documented in these urban centres, to describe emerging language practices. The discussion progresses to present how Bahasa Campur, a mix of several languages, has repositioned these language communities to negotiate their tensions. The paper contributes to anthropological scholarship by presenting how global and local forces alter the practices and symbolisms of languages NugrohoSumpah pemuda hadir 93 tahun yang lalu atas dasar kesepemahaman yang sama atas keragaman adat, suku, budaya, bahasa untuk memperjuangkan kemerdekaan Indonesia dan melawan penjajah. Setelah 93 tahun sumpah pemuda berlalu para pemuda Indonesia dihadapkan pada ancaman yang sangat berbeda yaitu bukan lagi penjajah secara harfiah melainkan penjajahan’ dari sisi fisik dan psikis pemuda termasuk dampak dari perkembangan teknologi. Saat ini pemuda dihadapkan pada ancaman perilaku berisiko seperti penyalahgunaan narkotika, psikotropika, dan zat adiktif lainnya NAPZA, perilaku seksual berisiko, kekerasan dan perundungan, yang ke semuanya dapat menghambat pemuda melakukan tugasnya sebagai generasi penerus bangsa yang berkualitas. Melalui RPJMN 2020-2024, dalam rangka pembangunan SDM berkualitas, pemerintah telah menentukan salah satu proyek prioritasnya yaitu peningkatan kualitas pemuda, dengan satu dari tiga strategi yang ada adalah pencegahan perilaku berisiko pada pemuda. Tulisan ini menganalisis apakah strategi pemerintah melalui pencegahan perilaku berisiko pada pemuda yang dilakukan sudah tepat untuk menjawab pembangunan SDM berkualitas. Studi ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yaitu studi kasus. Tiga teori digunakan dalam analisis tulisan ini yaitu teori pencegahan, teori perilaku dan teori risiko. Studi ini menyimpulkan 3 temuan penting. Pertama, proyek yang ditentukan masih berkutat pada aspek kuantitas Kedua, kualitas sosialisasi dan edukasi masih terbatas cakupannya, dan Ketiga, belum adanya kajian khusus terhadap akar permasalahan. Dengan demikian, perlu dilakukan perbaikan dalam rencana kerja pemerintah ke depan, khususnya tentang pemilihan proyek yang mendukung dalam pencegahan perilaku berisiko pemuda. Strategi pencegahan perilaku berisiko pada pemuda akan meningkatkan kualitas dan kapasitas pemuda Indonesia menyongsong bonus demografi tahun 2030 dan Indonesia emas pada tahun 2045 melalui strategi pencegahan perilaku berisiko pada pemuda. Shidarta ShidartaTo respect the copyrights of other authors, and the publication rights of the University of Amsterdam's DPSP, this e-book version is not accessible to the public. If readers want to access the chapter written by Shidarta, please click FormichiThis article investigates the narrative of Islamic nationalism in twentieth-century Indonesia, focussing on the experience of, and discourse surrounding, the self-identified Islamist Darul Islam movement and its leader, S. M. Kartosuwiryo 1905–1962. I offer a narrative of the independence struggle that counters the one advanced by Indonesia's Pancasila state, and allows us to capture subtleties that old discussions of separatism—with their assumption of fixed centres and peripheries—cannot illuminate. The article unfolds three historical threads connected to ideas of exile and displacement physical and intellectual, and the reconstitution successful or failed that followed from those processes. Starting from the political circumstances under which Kartosuwiryo retreated to West Java after the Dutch reinvasion of 1947—in a form of physical exile and political displacement from the centre of politics to the periphery, from a position of political centrality to one of marginality and opposition—I then transition to an elaboration of Kartosuwiryo's ideology. His political strategy emerges as a form of voluntary intellectual displacement that bounced between local visions of authority, nationalist projects, and transregional imaginations in order to establish the political platform he envisioned for postcolonial Indonesia. Lastly, I argue that the elision of Islam from the reconstructed narrative of Kartosuwiryo's intentions, characterised as separatist and anti-nationalist, was a key aspect of Indonesia's nation-building process. It is my final contention that official Indonesian history's displacement of Kartosuwiryo's goals away from Islam and into the realm of separatism allowed for two reconstitutive processes, one pertaining to political Islam as a negative political force, and the other to Kartosuwiryo as a martyr for Islam . Kristian TamtomoYouths' multilingual literacy practices constitute sites in which their language use can be pushed and pulled in different directions. This article will investigate how the way youth groups from two vocational high schools in Semarang, Central Java use Javanese, Indonesian and English across different genres of texts reflect the way they negotiate the push and pull of the various language ideologies associated with these languages. In analyzing these texts, the article will adopt a social practice approach to literacy and will also emphasize that there are orders to the indexical meanings of languages. The youths' language use shows that the range of texts form a continuum, in which the more formal texts tend to highly regulated around Indonesian as the monolingual center whereas less formal texts are more open to the use of Javanese and English, including the playful combination and juxtaposition of languages that enable youth to recontextualize and even subvert the dominant indexical meanings associated with these languages. Sharifah Faizah Syed MohammedThis chapter presents a broad picture of the role and impact of lagu seriosa as a musical genre. Its development as part of the national identity of Indonesia, from colonialism to occupation to independence, and its promotion through singing competitions broadcast by state-sponsored radio and television stations impacted the country and its people both socially and politically. Its inclusion in Bintang Radio and BRTV competition categories brought a degree of standardization to the genre, reflected in both the form and content of compositions and singers’ performance of the music. Standardization led to increased collaboration between composers, accompanists, and performers in the creation of new pieces, each influencing the others within the genre. Yet defining exactly what constitutes lagu seriosa has remained somewhat difficult, leading to the use of numerous terms in referring to this genre. Stefani NugrohoThis chapter chronologically highlights the discursive practices of Indonesia’s nation-building. Given the vast amount of existing work on Indonesian political history, it principally aims to provide the context for readers who are less acquainted with Indonesian political history. The chapter is divided into four historical periods. The first is the colonial era as a necessary precursor to the formation of the Indonesian nation-state. Colonialism does not only provide a “model” of the sovereign Indonesian state, but contemporary Indonesian nationalism continues to look back and build on the anti-colonial movement. The second period is the years under Sukarno’s presidency, thus the first twenty-one years of independence during which the search for national identity was most intensive and the foundations of the national identity were formulated. The third period is the thirty-three years of New Order administration, where state discourses were comprehensively enforced in an often-militaristic style. The fourth period is the post-authoritarian era that started in 1998 with the forced resignation of Suharto. It is marked by democratization and decentralization, thus accordingly, more possibility for individuals to disagree with the official narratives of nationhood. The participants of this research were born during the Suharto period but were only seven or six years old when the reformation era started. Tristam Pascal MoelionoTwo issues shall be discussed what is meant by people’s right to self determination and how has it been realized, also in the context of indigenous-tribal peoples. Analysis shall be done, by using a juridical doctrinal method. The purpose would go beyond explaining but also induce understanding of people’s right to self determination in the context of nation states. One determining faktor in the construction of a nation state is the emergence of an imagined solidarity between peoples from different races, tribes, or religious beliefs, being the result of suffering under colonialism. Notwithstanding that indigenous or tribal peoples may and in fact experience similar suffering under the state they are considered to be part of, international law, while recognizing their right to self determination, does not fully extend the same scope of rights to them. Muhammad Sigit Andhi RahmanWhy have Islamic insurance systems developed well in some countries, but not in others? Malaysia is considered as Islamic insurance elite due to its relatively large number of operators it houses as well as the sustained growth of Islamic insurance sales within the country, while Indonesia and Pakistan are still in early stages of development. Analyzing the political and social history of Islamization of insurance systems in these three Muslim majority countries in Asia since 1980s, this book demonstrates the development gap between these countries on Islamic insurance results from; firstly, complex bargains made between various groups within each country polity, and those bargains are structured by the country’s fundamental political institutions. Secondly, the gap is also an outcome of different societal transformations during the Islamization that produce Islams’ in these countries. The revival of Islamic principles in these countries does not only create Sharia-compliant financial products but produces Islamic norms, identities, ethics, and practices enacted in the way the communities manage their risk. Mark WoodwardThis paper describes two modes of civic religious pluralism in Bali. The first is adaptive pluralism in which elements of Islam were incorporated into pre-modern Balinese states. Analysis focuses on the way in which Gusti Ayu Made Rai, an eighteenth-century Balinese princess became Raden Ayu Siti Khotijah, one Indonesia's few widely recognized female Muslim saints. This leads to an alternative reading of Balinese religious history, countering the view that it is a static monolithically Hindu tradition. Rather than turning inward as the surrounding areas embraced Islam, Balinese kingdoms included Muslims and Islam in scared narratives and geographies. Today this integrative strategy functions only at the local level. Pilgrimage to her grave by Indonesian Muslims integrates Hindu Bali into Indonesian society defined in terms of the national ideology Pancasila. The establishment of Pancasila as a hegemonic symbology has led to a new form of parallel pluralism in which all religions are subject to state regulation. Abstrak Makalah ini menggambarkan dua bentuk keragaman beragama masyarakat di Bali. Yang pertama adalah keragaman adaptif di mana unsur-unsur Islam tergabung dalam kerajaan pra-modern Bali. Analisa berfokus pada saat di mana Gusti Ayu Made Rai, seorang puteri kerajaan Bali abad kedelapan belas menjadi Raden Ayu Siti Khotijah, salah seorang wanita Muslim yang dianggap wali di Indonesia. Hal ini mengarah kepada wacana alternatif tentang sejarah agama orang Bali, yang berlawanan dengan pandangan yang meyakini bahwa Bali merupakan tradisi Hindu yang statis secara monolitis. Alih-alih menutup diri saat wilayah-wilayah di sekitarnya memeluk Islam, kerajaan-kerajaan Bali merangkul kaum Muslim dan ajaran Islam dalam kisah-kisah dan kawasan-kawasan sakral. Saat ini strategi integratif tersebut hanya berfungsi di tingkat lokal. Para peziarah Muslim Indonesia ke makam Sang Puteri menyatukan Bali Hindu ke dalam masyarakat Indonesia mempertegas ideologi nasional Pancasila. Pembentukan Pancasila sebagai sebuah simbologi hegemoni telah mengarah kepada bentuk baru keragaman paralel di mana semua agama tunduk kepada peraturan negara. Rommel CuramingIn this book I analyze comparatively the dynamics of the state- scholar relations during the Marcos and Suharto years in the Philippines and Indonesia as evident in two official history-writing projects Marcos's Tadhana project and Suharto regime's Sejarah Nasional Indonesia SNI. It demonstrates a nuanced characterization of the relationship between scholars and state operatives. Rather than the usual approach that regards schol- ars in such a project as manipulated or co-opted, they are shown in this book as, among other possibilities, possessing and exer- cising their own power that even the most powerful dictators do not have, and which they need or desire. Instead of taking such projects as aberration, which is in line with the popular liberalist critique of “intellectual prostitution” or “treason of intellectuals”, this book argues instead that the participation of scholars in these projects merely formalizes and renders explicit the transactional encounters happening on daily basis between knowledge of any ideological disposition, type or level of accuracy, on the one hand, and their respective consumers, on the other. The logistics of power relations in these transactions vary considerably but the underlying logic is fundamentally the same. The implications are singularly important the widely held liberal assumption that good, rigorous scholarship is corrective or antithetical to the political needs to be re-thought as it unwittingly undermines the very progressive vision upon which much of critical and well-meaning scholarship is built. This happens as this liberal assumption nurtures the myth that it is just a matter of getting things right—empirically, methodologically, theoretically, conceptually—in order to neutralize the political. It is a myth because, as I show in this book, 1 it is more the context of the actual knowledge use, rather than the content or authorial intention, that ultimately decides the political say, a patently progressive knowledge can be used for conserva- tives purpose in a particular context, or vice versa; and 2 the strength of politics precisely lies in at least the appearance of accuracy or objectivity of knowledge. The potency of, say, Trump's use/misuse of "fake news" depends on the idea of objective or impartial knowledge. People support him because they believe in the correctness or objectivity of his claims. In other words, the liberal/progressive roots of the idea of objectivity/impartiality of knowledge has long been, or perhaps from the beginning, usurped by conservative interests, of which Trump is just the latest among the most glaring examples. Fact-checking him may not be enough as it may be likened to preaching to the choir or the already converted. The solution seems to lie not mainly in more rigor or accuracy of critical scholarship, for accurate or not, it is how knowledge is actually understood, used and misused on the ground and in digital world that determines the material impact on the people. Progressive or pro-people scholarship, so I suggest, needs to be reoriented to go beyond critique, to what may be termed as cartography of power/knowledge. Critique can only affirm one elite or elite-wannabe politics over another, and this includes intellectual elites, whereas cartography serves the interests of the public. In brief, cartography of power/knowledge entails a full mapping out of all sources and types of power, including power of scholars and scholarship, that enable knowledge production, consumption and distribution. By laying transparent these networks of power relations, progressive scholarship will be in better position to help common people decide for themselves which knowledge may be useful or detrimental for them at a particular context. Doing so makes knowing more truly empowering, rather than a shackle, for people who progressive scholarship expressly wishes to by a wide range of highly regarded scholars and exciting junior ones, this book critiques and operationalizes contemporary thinking in the rapidly expanding field of linguistic anthropology. It does so using cases studies of actual everyday language practices from an extremely understudied, yet incredibly important area of the global South, Indonesia. In doing so, it provides a rich set of studies that model and explain complex linguistic anthropological analysis in engaging and easily understood ways. As a book that is both accessible for undergraduate students and enlightening for graduate students through to senior professors, this book problematizes a wide range of assumptions. The diversity of settings and methodologies used in this book surpass many recent collections that attempt to address issues of superdiversity and how to go about addressing contemporary processes of diversification given rapid ongoing social change. In focusing on the trees, so to speak, the collection as a whole also enables readers to see the forest. This approach provides a rare insight into relationships between everyday language practices, social change, and the ever present and ongoing processes of nation TanThis article describes how standard Malay, known as Bahasa Melayu or Bahasa Malaysia BM in Malaysia and Bahasa Indonesia BI in Indonesia, is assessed within the public school systems of these two countries using high stakes exams. A brief linguistic description of the language is provided, since linguistic features are specifically taught in the curriculum and assessed in the high stakes exams. A historical overview of how BM came to be adopted as the official language of instruction in each country is also given. The official language curriculum in each country is explained, and details are given of how the high stakes assessment of BM is conducted for certification and gatekeeping purposes at the exit levels of elementary and secondary schooling. The chapter also discusses challenges related to the growth and assessment of BM and BostockThis article asks to what extent the depiction of father-son relationships in works by Pramoedya Ananta Toer published up to 1952 reflects what we know of his relationship with his father during those years. It finds that four works written between 1945 and 1949, when Pramoedya had little contact with a father with whom his relations had been difficult, contain negative portraits of fathers, including, in one case, Pramoedya’s own father and, in another, a character substantially modelled on his father. There is a marked change of attitude in Bukan pasar malam It’s not an all night fair, Pramoedya’s account of his visit to his dying father, when sympathy and respect for his father as man and nationalist dominate the author’s feelings. Something of this change of attitude remains in two stories from the collection Cerita dari Blora Tales from Blora which recount Pramoedya’s own childhood memories of his family, but echoes of the tensions between father and son remain in other stories from that collection. So, it appears, do they in Bumi manusia This earth of mankind, the first volume of Pramoedya’s late major work, the Buru quartet. Gregoria YudarwatiThe history of public relations PR in Indonesia, from the emergence of nation identity era 1900–1942, the Japanese occupation era 1942–1945, to the Soekarno era 1945–1966, was characterized by the use of rhetorical messages for propaganda. Building nation identity marked public relations activities during these periods. Public diplomacy to gain international legitimacy was also found in the Soekarno era. Due to the absence of freedom of speech and press during the Suharto era 1966–1998, only positive publicity that supported government development programs was allowed. Public relations was a one-way communication process to transmit organizational and governmental policies to the public. Suharto’s resignation in 1998, however, allowed growth of the public relations profession. Freedom of speech and expression in the Reformation era 1998–now has resulted in opportunities and challenges for public relations practices. There are more public movements demanding transparency, accountability, reliability, responsibility and fairness, which have led to the increasing need of public relations to manage situations. Chee kiong TongIt is not clear when the Chinese first started living in Indonesia however, reports by Fa Hsien, a Chinese traveler in the fifth century, wrote about the presence of Chinese in Indonesia Toer, 2007 197. Several main phases of Chinese population growth can be identified over the last fifteen hundred years or so. During the first phase, between about the tenth and sixteenth century traders were visiting various Southeast Asian ports, remaining temporarily or assimilating individually but rarely establishing permanent Chinese communities. In the second period between mid 1500s and 1800, Chinese trading quarters in the major cities such as Manila, Ayutthaya/Bangkok and Batavia became large and permanent. The third phase between 1800 and 1860 saw the numbers of Chinese in the region increase gradually. By 1860, there were an estimated 222,000 Chinese, two thirds of whom lived in Java Coppel, 1983 1. The fourth period from the 1860s till the onset of the 1930s Depression saw a large influx of Chinese from China Mackie, 1996 xxii–xxiv.Chiara FormichiA testament to the relevance of historical research in understanding contemporary politics, Islam and the Making of the Nation guides the reader through the contingencies of the past that have led to the transformation of a nationalist leader into a 'separatist rebel' and a 'martyr', while at the same time shaping the public perception of political Islam and strengthening the position of the Pancasila in contemporary DwyerIncreased attention to the predicaments and potential of youth in conflict has moved the conflict resolution field in important new directions. However, our understandings of and approaches to youth in conflict have been limited by an emphasis on the inclusion of youth in peacebuilding projects without a correspondingly thorough analysis of the often-contested social categories of youth in conflicts. Drawing on in-depth ethnographic work with youth in post-conflict Bali, Indonesia, where attempts to promote a local project to memorialise victims of mass violence exposed deep-seated intergenerational tensions around the meaning and relevance of youth’, this article offers both an analytic reframing of youth in conflict and suggestions for more effective and reflective conflict resolution W. FoggIn the 1940s and 1950s, several organs of the newly independent Indonesian state oversaw the standardisation of the Indonesian national language. In this process, Western-oriented bureaucrats pushed the language towards European normativity, significantly decreasing the influence of Arabic. While this reform carried symbolic meaning, the practical ramifications on Indonesian orthography, spelling, and word selection also carried real, non-symbolic effects on the accessibility of this language to Indonesian Islamic leaders. Standardising orthography to use the Roman alphabet rendered many Muslims illiterate in a language they had been using for decades. Choices in word selection and spelling limited the Islamic meanings that the new language could carry, thus impacting how Muslims could use the national language for religious and other purposes. Indonesian linguistic reform carried serious social and political consequences in addition to the symbolic meanings often the last 19 years of post-apartheid South African democracy, race remains an enduring and familiar trope, a point of certainty amid the messy ambiguities of transformation. In the present article, we explore the malleable, permeable, and unstable racializations of contemporary South Arica, specifically the way in which coloured and white racializations are negotiated and interactionally accomplished in the context of Capetonian hip-hop. The analysis reveals the complex ways in which racialized bodies are figured semiotically through reference to historical time and contemporary translocal social space. But also the way iconic features of blackness are reindexicalized to stand for a transnational whiteness. Lauren ZentzIndonesian state development policies have shaped definitions of language, meanings conveyed through language, and access to language forms through deliberate policy actions that pervade public, and increasingly, private life. Modern language ideologies that are part and parcel of national development have informed these policies and informed educated youths' understandings and rationalizations of their linguistic competencies. In this paper I explore how macro-level language policies informed by modern language ideologies and micro-level influences in the form of peer pressure and adult shaming encourage shift toward the national language, Indonesian, and away from Javanese. State policies advising citizens to “love” their local languages, but “use” their one national language, Indonesian, work together with micro-level social interactions to nudge language shift in the direction of an increasingly monolingual, Indonesian-speaking populace. Julian MillieWhy do Sundanese Muslims of West Java in certain situations prefer Islamic oratory in their regional language, Sundanese, and in others prefer the national standard, Indonesian? This article answers this question by firstly exploring different preaching outcomes that are recognised and generally accepted by Sundanese Muslims. Some preaching events are oriented pre-eminently to the communication of affect within the temporal frame of co-presence. In others, preacher and audience unite around a transformative ethos. These outcomes bear contrasting implications for code selection. Where the first outcome is desired, preachers display multivocal, heterogeneous preaching styles in which the regional language offers functional benefits. In the second, Indonesian preachers and audiences respond to the national language's indexing of transformation. The social value of transformation is a situational factor for which Indonesian is the appropriate code. In this way, code selection signals the diversity of ways of being Islamic in the West Javanese public youth demographic is a large and growing cohort in Indonesia, and adolescents embody the currents of social change. Throughout the twentieth century they were significant agents of social protest leading to social and political transformation. This book looks at the importance of adolescents in contemporary Indonesia, and how they are spearheading not just globalisation and a growing consumer youth culture, but also the Islamisation movement. Anita DewiThe increasing number of the so-called non-native English users has resulted in their views of English to be crucial. This qualitative study of thirty-two Indonesian lecturers, teachers, and students is aimed at revealing perceptions of English in relation to communication, culture, and national as well as religious identities. The findings reveal various perceptions of the language. Some references to Caucasians as potential interlocutors are found even though the participants believe that English has been used among non-native’ speakers and that the relationship between English and the West is diminishing. The participants also view English as either not related or positively related to their national, religious, and ethnic identities. Overall, there is a demand for accentuating English in Indonesia with the local cultures. Rachael DiproseUsing the case of conflict-affected Central Sulawesi in democratising Indonesia, this paper argues that decentralisation has had both positive and negative indirect impacts on conflict dynamics. First, it has allowed for the direct election of regional heads. This has changed the nature of local politics, which has heightened local tensions through competition for power at the district level. However, this has so far been peacefully managed. Second, decentralisation has to some extent achieved its aim of greater involvement of the local populace in decision making, alleviating the long-standing grievances they have had with authoritarian rule, resource extraction, and regent appointments from outside the region and the island. Third, it has changed population demographics by redrawing administrative boundaries. In the research districts, this has resulted in greater ethno-religious segregation. It has also changed the boundaries around the voting populace, which tends to play into conflict tensions wherever such boundaries reinforce sensitive identity cleavages. Fourth, carving out new regions with decentralisation has created new district legislatures and executives, further fuelling competition for these fiercely sought-after positions and the associated political power in the new districts, as well as inter-group competition for the resources in the new’ regions. However, this has simultaneously reduced competitive pressures in the mother’ regions, in particular in Poso, one of the regions severely affected by communal violence, which was partially linked to elite politics. While the demographic, structural, and institutional changes stimulated by decentralisation will not necessarily lead to violent conflict, they do interact with or potentially stimulate local tensions. Felt grievances, perceptions of inequalities, elite competition and claims to minority rights are just some of the contentious issues, which can interact with decentralisation policies, as they do with national level politics. Managing these tensions is imperative for ensuring that the benefits of decentralisation reach local communities. Rachael DiproseThe impact of decentralization on conflict dynamics is as important as its impact on service delivery and growth, as violent conflict can undo development gains. This paper argues that the impact of decentralization has been twofold. It has relieved centre–periphery tensions around long-standing grievances towards nationalist agendas in Indonesia. The evidence suggests, through examining the case of conflict-affected Central Sulawesi, that decentralization has also to some extent addressed long-standing inter-group tensions and horizontal inequalities at the local level, particularly where geographically concentrated ethnoreligious groups have previously been marginalized from government. It has also reduced grievances by increasing local autonomy and participation in decision-making through direct elections of district heads, now a hotly contested arena of local politics. However, significant structural and institutional change can result in new tensions, particularly when poorly planned for or monitored. Decentralization has stimulated changes in population demographics in some areas in Indonesia, resulting in ethnoreligious segregation through splitting of subnational administrative units into increasing numbers of regions. Groups with previous minority status have found a safe-haven as majorities, setting the scene for how future rights of access and representation play out. Tensions run high when high-stakes local elections are contested along sensitive identity lines, or when district governments are not inclusive of minorities in their regions. This is not to say that the demographic, structural and institutional changes with decentralization will necessarily lead to violent conflict, but rather due attention should be given to ensuring appropriate conflict management mechanisms are in LeeThis article investigates the visibility of youth pemuda in Indonesian history, concentrating on the 1998 Indonesian Student Movement's politically transgressive and yet increasingly popular forms of expression. The figure of the activist aktivis, transfused with its history of revolt, nationalist struggle, violence and victimization, constituted the core of a powerful series of representations of nationalist youth politics that popularized student demonstrations within public culture. On the basis of ethnographic fieldwork, I trace the development of what I identify as the activist-as-fetish image over the movement's course, analysing how global and historical elements engender local and contemporary meanings in highly effective and yet heavily mediated AbasThesis Ph. D.-Ateneo De Manila University-Philippine Normal College Consortium, 1978. Vita. Includes bibliographical references leaves 464-486. Pemuda International Malay on Oath. Paper presented to the World Congress on Malay LanguageJ E HoffmanHoffman, J. E. 1995. Sumpah Pemuda International Malay on Oath. Paper presented to the World Congress on Malay Language, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 21-25 toekomstmogelijkheden van onze Indonesische talen en letterkundeM JaminJamin, M. 1926. De toekomstmogelijkheden van onze Indonesische talen en letterkunde. In Verslag van het eerste Indonesisch Jeugdcongres 48-70. Weltevreden Jong Indonesia Congres-Comite. Jong Batak. 1928. Kerapatan pemoeda-pemoeda Indonesia 3, no. 7-8, & Bouma's Boekhuis. © Asian Studies Association of Australia Downloaded by [The University of Texas at El PasoGroningenGroningen Wolters-Noordhoff & Bouma's Boekhuis. © Asian Studies Association of Australia 2000. Downloaded by [The University of Texas at El Paso] at 1600 01 January 2015 Sumpah Pemuda The Making and Meaning of a Symbol of Indonesian Nationhood 409The novel in Javanese Leiden KITLV Press. Republika OnlineQuinnGeorgeQuinn, George. 1992. The novel in Javanese. Leiden KITLV Press. Republika Online. 1998a. 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Leiden KITLV Press. Hardjito. 1952. Risalah gerakan pemuda. Djakarta Pustaka Antara. Harian Rakjat. 1952. Peringatan triwindu "Indonesia Raja". 29 Oktober. Harian Rakjat. 1953. Pemuda2 peringati 25 tahun lagu Indonesia Raja. 28 Oktober. Harian Rakjat. 1956. Bung Karno Tjegah penjimpangan dari sumpah 1928! Bersatulah partai2 untuk keselamatan negara. 29 Oktober. Harian Rakjat. 1957. Atjara Hari Sumpah Pemuda. 28 bahasa persatuan Sinar Harapan. 30 Oktober. Kebangoenan. 1938. Dalil-dalil prae-advies Tabrani. 22 DjoeniKatoppoMarianneKatoppo, Marianne. 1980. Menjunjung bahasa persatuan. Sinar Harapan. 30 Oktober. Kebangoenan. 1938. Dalil-dalil prae-advies Tabrani. 22 Djoeni. Komisi Besar Indonesia Moeda. 1981. Rencana pendirian Indonesia Moeda. In Maju Setapak, Capita Selecta ketiga, pergerakan pemuda Jong Java, Jong Bataks Bond, Jong Sumatranen Bon dll. dalam dokumen asli, ed. Pitut Soeharto and A. Zainoel Ihsan 301-17. Jakarta Aksara Jayasakti. Kompas. 1965. 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Jakarta Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudajaan, Lembaga Sedjarah dan sebuah biografiI N SoebagijoSoebagijo, I. N. 1980. Sumanang, sebuah biografi. Jakarta Gunung Sumpah Pemuda haruslah semangat untuk melaksanakan Demokrasi Terpimpin dan Konsepsi PresidenD N AiditAidit, D. N. 1958. Semangat Sumpah Pemuda haruslah semangat untuk melaksanakan Demokrasi Terpimpin dan Konsepsi Presiden. Harian Rakjat. 28 Oktober.

historical event in indonesia sumpah pemuda